By: Clyde N.S Ramalaine
Part 002: Why Ramaphosa, Mkhize, and Mashatile, regardless of what PEC announcement, makes up step-aside slate candidature
It becomes crucial to look at the names constituting these respective slates. For Limpopo and Gauteng, Northern Cape and now Kwa-Zulu Natal has Ramaphosa, and Paul Mashatile makes a list as president and deputy president, respectively. The names herewith engaged detail no order of seniority or significance but are purely predicated on the announced PEC slates.
Cyril Matamela Ramaphosa [Limpopo, Eastern Cape, Northern Cape, Gauteng Mpumalanga]
In some circles, considered to make a safe arrival into the coveted second term eventually, Ramaphosa is carried on the wings of a crop of ANC leaders whom all owe some of their existence to him. These were striving to get him in as an uncontested presidential candidate. However, that intention seems to have hit a snag with the fact that at least three candidates, Lindiwe Sisulu, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, and Zweli Mkhize, have lifted their hands for the number one position. Meaning Sisulu, like Nkosazana Dlamini–Zuma and Zweli Mkhize will ensure a contest. Notwithstanding some media coverage of Lindiwe Sisulu being on a Ramaphosa list, nothing of this is nowhere borne out as factual and truthful. It rather appears some fishing expedition to say the least.
South Africans know today that despite Ramaphosa’s many claims of being morally sound and the self-appointed face of anti-corruption, the champion of ANC renewal, he is not what he often claims in superb lip service. Increasingly many more see Ramaphosa as hiding and having a case to answer. The latest to intimate this was Kgalema Motlanthe. Ramaphosa appears more than a suspect in crimes that emanates from his Phala-Phala farmgate ordeal. His forced answers in parliament this past week did not do anything to clear him since he continues to hide behind the notion of due processes.
Regardless of Ramaphosa and his cohort of coattail riders, those who hope to benefit from his second term would protest his efforts for ANC renewal. South Africans know Ramaphosa is not clean and has a case to answer irrespective of how he will seek to manipulate state apparatus such as the SAPS, NPA, the Public Protector investigation, the SARB, SARS, SIU unit, and even the ANC-led parliament. It is just a matter of time before insurmountable evidence will force political-speaking Shamila Batohi to announce the case against Ramaphosa.
Ramaphosa is a step-aside candidate regardless of how PECs such as Gauteng, Limpopo, Northern Cape, and Eastern Cape may have pronounced. Maybe we must appreciate what the game plan is for Ramaphosa.
In my assessment, Ramaphosa’s ANC second-termism attests to a singularity of interest with the avoidance of embarrassment of making history as the first president stopped in the one-term definition. As one who did not get a second term when he much desired it. He has no interest in running the ANC. Also, the public relations-obsessed Ramaphosa is tired of how his image has suffered in SA public conscience. He may have already disclosed this to those close to him. Ramaphosa thus has accepted his fate of an eventual charge and merely seeks to stage manage when [the first quarter of 2023] this should happen. Is this not what Ramaphosa recently, in secrecy, shared with Joe Biden? We may never know. Ramaphosa long ago admitted to his inner circle that he would not be able to defend the evidence that stands against him. Ramaphosa, also as is known to some, has expressed grave reservations about having Mantashe and Mashatile on his CR22 slate. His commitments to Biden and others on a ‘green energy economy,’ those who know, will tell nothing much but a very lucrative business deal for some people.
Mantashe, who felt slighted by Ramaphosa’s deal and the announcement, was forthright in his rejection of that and insisted it foolhardy to move SA unilaterally from its coal reality. It was sensible on the part of Mantashe, particularly when Britain and others in Europe were re-opening their coal mines, and the fact that coal exports to Europe were up. It would appear Ramaphosa has not forgiven Mantashe for this solitary act, and Mantashe’s fate for the 16th year as a NOB member is more than in the balance. On the other hand, it is possible that Cyril’s band of investors already told him they do not trust Mashatile since he does not fit their candidature. This sees Mashatile despite making several slates not featuring on Cyril’s personal slate.
Why do those who support Ramaphosa’s candidacy feel so comfortable with having him as a candidate, notwithstanding the reality of these severe criminal charges that he will ultimately face? Is it because they know the entire investigation, despite the structures, will result in nothing ad for Ramaphosa? If so, from where is this certainty? What does their insistence suggests of their seriousness of keeping leaders accountable or their prism of true ANC renewal? Is it a case of them simply ignoring the wrong, or does it confirm how misplaced and out of step some of the ANC leaders are with South Africa? Is this not the moribund state of the African National Congress? I suggest it may be a combination measurable in gross arrogance.
Zweli Lawrence Mkhize for President [Kwa Zulu Natal]
Mkhize, the former Health Minister, lost his job when he stood accused of being a self-appointed marketing manager of Digital Vibes with communication contracts during the heat of COVID. The SIU found in its investigation that the selection of Digital Vibes to conduct National Health Insurance and Covid-19 media campaigns was irregular, as were subsequent extensions and modifications of the contract. The SIU found that Mkhize had blatantly ignored a cabinet memorandum advising the GCIS to roll out the NHI communications strategy when the R150m tender was awarded to Digital Vibes. As a result, the department incurred “irregular and fruitless expenditure” amounting to R150 million, over which Digital Vibes “owners” Tahera Mather and Naadhira Mitha should be charged for fraud. Mather is Mkhize’s former spokesperson and played a crucial role in his campaign for the ANC presidency in 2017, which he eventually abandoned. Furthermore, the SIU also found that Mkhize unlawfully by giving instructions in a WhatsApp message on July 15 to the then director general Malebono Matsoso.
Mkhize is also cited by the Zondo Commission report, which identified him as the recipient of R6,5 million. The report does not exonerate Mkhize for describing where the money ended. However, his explanation leads that the bulk of this money deposited into the ANC coffers does not clear him.
On its part, the ANC’s Integrity Commission has recommended that Mkhize’s membership be suspended. Until now, this has not been given effect, making one wonder if this will be actioned at a particular time of convenience since we are in a silly season. This musing contends that Mkhize makes up part of the step-aside-slate crowd. Now confirmed nomination will present ample opportunity for the NPA to bring charges against him, thus derailing his plans for high office. that
Paul Shipokosa Mashatile for Deputy President [Gauteng, KZN, Northern Cape and Limpopo]
Mashatile, the de facto Treasurer General, acting SG, and acting DSG, has appeared on several slates as announced by the ANC PECs. Someone observed that when Paul Mashatile gets into his car, the ANC NOB team quorates. Mashatile arrived in the NOB slate of Cyril back in 2017. He is not in the NOB office for any meaningful contribution he made anywhere or anytime because under his leadership and direct role, Gauteng traded over 400000 votes to the EFF with Mashatile’s de-campaigning of Zuma. Until this day, Paul remains the one who shares all ANC decisions with the EFF’s Malema. Hence it’s external to the ANC support for him to be Cyril’s deputy. Mashatile is a not nimble-footed tactician that sees himself as a political office dealmaker. He is not really a strategist but a tactician who has played that role in the last ten years as he seeks to throne some and dethrone others. We see his tactics again in the recent Gauteng election of Dada Morera as Mayor of the City of Johannesburg. Mashatile played a crucial role in this, albeit to strengthen his hand and ambitions as the one that produced a metro mayoral position on the eve of the 55th Conference.
Shall we forget how he, in 2012, went to KZN to be the Gauteng kingmaker for a Kgalema Motlanthe candidacy? Always willing to play kingmaker, he is about to make himself king since he skillfully paid and outfoxed suspended secretary general Ace Magashule and current deputy president David Mabuza. Magashule refused to heed all good advice, not trust Paul and see where that took him. So Paul emerges on all slates meaning he potentially will force Cyril’s hand when the time comes. That’s how Paul wanted this to play out to give him his Christmas present to become the first TG to shift into deputy presidency with an eye on the presidency role.
Paul is rewarded despite the dismal performance of handling ANC funds as it relates to the none paying of ANC staff. He is rewarded in the typical style of rewarding mediocrity. Yet Paul is cited in the State of Capture Commission report as a beneficiary from the Sodi Asbestos corruption allegations for which Sodi is currently in court. It is noted that Paul Mashatile received more than R370 000, deputy minister Pinky Kekana R170 000, Deputy Minister Zizi Kodwa R174 000, and Labour Minister Thulas Nxesi R45 000, respectively. There may be other cases that will emerge against Paul, whom some have held for his role in Gauteng finance with the Alexander renewal project. He deserves to be held accountable. Thus Paul makes up those who are part of my step-aside-slate crowd. Having understood Ramaphosa’s plan to win the Conference and then step down, Paul is therefore eyeing the moment to become king out of such anticipated unfolding events predicted to play out in the first quarter of 2023. So those who do not know fail to appreciate that Paul is in the game to make himself king.
The upcoming 55th Conference purports to hold the same surprise element as the 52nd Polokwane one. In case you forgot, Mbeki went to the Conference convinced he had it all wrapped up. That was how the media and a slew of commentators read it. Mbeki was going to have a free walk. We hear the same from the media and a slew of commentators, yet I am not convinced we will not see a repeat of history where the incumbent is defeated despite having secured the PEC second-term endorsements. Will tactics played as warned by Tzu deliver the surprise on the day?
In part three, we will look at the candidacies of Mantashe, Mabuyane, and Mokonyane, among others, that made it to the Eastern Cape and Gauteng PEC lists, respectively. They also make up a crop of ANC candidates, ILOVEJOJOSIWA confirming my notion of step-aside slates.
A published author and poet, strategy design consultant/advisor, speechwriter, and lifelong social and economic justice activist, he makes up part of the 80’s student leadership in a Cape-based student- led push for the overthrow of apartheid. His counsel is often sought by senior politicians, ambassadors, business executives and clergy. In 2010 Former President Thabo M. Mbeki twice wrote to him personal notes. . In 2017 former President Jacob G. Zuma twice invited him to one-on-one meetings to discuss the SA discourse and the role of religion in SA politics. The former ANC Secretary-General now Chairperson, Gwede S. Mantashe invited Ramalaine in 2012 into a panel of thought leaders that held its first meeting at UJ Soweto Vista Campus to advise on ANC policy positions. On August 28, 2015 he was approved by the ANC Deployment Committee to serve as an ambassador – unfortunately the appointment never was finalised. He is a licensed and ordained Theologian with credentials both in the SA (1992) and USA (2005). His gifted expository preaching is celebrated in audiences wider than South Africa. He Holds BTh (Hons) UWC, MA Systematic Theology (Cum Laude) NWU, with a Dissertation: “Black Identity and Experience in Black Theology: A Critical Assessment.” Ramalaine recently completed his Ph.D. in Politics and International Affairs as a SARCHi Candidate. His thesis: “South Africa’s State-Led Race-Based Social Identity Construction: A Critical Assessment.” He is a public intellectual who often is invited by media-houses, TV stations, and community radio stations to share his analysis and comment on contemporary developments in political or religious discourses, with more than 1000 published articles on primarily diverse media platforms. His incisive and thought-provoking opinion pieces are welcomed as part of creating an alternate voice in SA discourse. His other work has appeared in The Thinker – Africa’s leading Journal in African thought.
