Premier Lesufi, a man with big personal dreams, just not accountable to explain himself on Nasi iSpani or any ‘programme’ / ‘project’ budget

By: Clyde N.S Ramalaine

One is  compelled to pen this note to centralise the subject of accountability of Premier Panyaza Lesufi, scrutinizing his responsiveness to official letters and his engagement with community concerns. The TMOSA Foundation’s pursuit of clarity on the  Nasi iSpani ‘Security Guard’ patrollers budget forms the backdrop for this my challenge with Gauteng’s Number One citizen.

Panyaza Hendrik Lesufi is a man on a definite mission, it does not take rocket science to figure that out, in less than 10 years he arose from being the National Spokesman of DBE Minister Angie Motshekga to MEC education via MEC of Finance in Gauteng. Now he is the Premier and those who know will confirm he is undeniably eyeing an ANC Presidency. Absolutely nothing wrong with ambition and he should be allowed to dream and realise his personal aims. Gauteng for what it as province presents his choice stomping grounds and runway for Lesufi’s Presidential dreams take-off. To this end he will be seen to be active in a multiplicity of initiatives to distinguish himself as the hope of Gauteng and the ANC. One such initiative the ‘Nasi iSpani’ youth job work project remains a challenge and warrants engaging.

On 2 August 2023, the TMOSA Foundation penned an official letter to Premier Panyaza Lesufi, seeking elucidation on the budgetary allocations for the ‘Security Guard’ patrollers’ programme. Despite subsequent attempts to elicit a response, the Premier’s Office hitherto has remained silent. This post is not any attempt at de-campaigning Panyaza Lesufi whatever his ambitions may be. It is also no cheap malicious attempt at denigrating him, I simply have no interest in such. It instead is a lament that aims to shed light on Lesufi’s apparent non-responsiveness and the evolving dynamics of his engagement with a particular community [‘Coloured’] and its undeniable concerns as he is meticulously crafting his path to the summit of presidential hopes. In order to arrive at this conclusion I am compelled in this musing to trace my steps of interaction with Premier Lesufi which really started when he was spokesperson of DBE.

Premier Lesufi’s Disregard for TMOSA [Thinking Masses of South Africa] Foundation’s Inquiry

The Premier’s Office failed to respond to an official letter from the TMOSA Foundation, prompting a subsequent outreach to Lesufi’s private email. Lesufi on his private email acknowledged receipt without offering an apology for the lack of response, leaving the Foundation’s queries unaddressed.

Lesufi’s Current Priorities

Despite the outstanding concerns raised by the Foundation, Premier Lesufi is currently immersed in addressing issues related to teachers’ permanency without transparently communicating the funding source for such initiatives.

Historical Collaboration and Changing Dynamics

A retrospective examination of Lesufi’s albeit in Spokesperson positin of DBE, collaboration with the clergy in 2012 highlights a positive working relationship during efforts to facilitate the return of children to schools in Olifantshoek and Kuruman.

The record will show that in 2012, now almost 12 years ago, with Lesufi as a spokesperson for Minister Angie Mothekga, he knew my numbers. When I was invited by the Northern Cape clergy, in particular Evangelist Barend Van Wyk, to come lend a hand and lead the process of getting our children in Olifantshoek and Kuruman back to school. This team of clergy comprising long-standing activists and clergy such as the late Moral Regeneration Chairperson leader Rev. Hendrik Van Wyk, Pastors Given Pieterse, Frank Louw, and Immanuel Mokallee, to name a few ultimately presented a report to the premier’s office of the Northern Cape. At our first meeting in the Premiers office where I presented the fact-finding report, the late MEC of Health, Mxolisi Sokatsha who also was the political head of the PEC sub-committee on Cultural Religious and Traditional Affairs [CRATA], the forerunner of the now chapliancy. stunned us when he said, ‘Bishop, you as clergy must go to the communities because they do not trust and will kill us as politicians.’

Lesufi then knew who he could count on to prepare the report for Minister Motshekga, since this was a matter of national interest, that she tabled at the Cabinet meeting. Lesufi  was blown away that I could slave all night and produce the quality of work. Upon receiving the comprehensive report, which included potential projects, Lesufi enquired if I am in consulting because these skills were needed in the government.

Spokesperson Lesufi knew that Minister Motshekga insisted that I briefed her on the Northern Cape schools’ impasse and resolving the report. That briefing took place in two geographic spots Barkley West and Kuruman respectively.

He knew how we as clergy crisscrossed the province, meeting community leaders, parents and students, visiting burnt-down areas, and convening community meetings.

In one such meeting, the Public Protector and her blue lights brigade overtook us on the road from Kimberley to Olifantshoek. Public Protector Madonsela was either badly briefed when she foolishly tried to chair a meeting in Olifantshoek as her success  story.  An old lady got up and said in Afrikaans, ‘Kan ‘n mens dan nie in jou eie taal mee gepraat word nie. Wie is die vroumens wat nou praat, want ons ken haar nie, ons ken die predikante wat hard gewerk het om ons kinders terug skool toe te vat.’ Thuli had to abruptly stop talking and asked that the clergy lead what they started. Lesufi then apparently had respect for the selfless work I did as a lifelong activist.

However, a shift in Lesufi’s responsiveness and engagement with the myself is evident post-2012, prompting the author to speculate on possible reasons for this change. Now, whether Lesufi dislikes or finds me an irritant or not, the Premier owes me, as a citizen, the right to respond equally to everyone else.

Permit me therefore to cite possible reasons why Lesufi, after 2012, became indifferent and less open to engaging me despite my track record or skills set.

Instances of Non-Engagement: Davidsonville

When the Davidsonville community expressed their dissatisfaction with the DBE and MEC Lesufi, Lesufi went on record to lament how he wished he could call on Archbishop Tutu and other clergy, like Pastor Frank Chikane, to help resolve the issue of Davidsonville, a former Coloured area. Lesufi knew he could call on people like myself but refused to; reasons for such I could only speculate on. It is a given that to have Tutu and Chikane, possibly more known clergy, would boost his political credentials for his future role as Premier. Yet that is my speculation.

The Davidsonville community’s dissatisfaction with the Department of Basic Education (DBE) and MEC Lesufi was met with the Premier’s reluctance to engage the real issues, as well as to invite known clergy members, including the author.

Lesufi’s Abrupt Exit of Eldorado Park Meeting

On an occasion, when the Eldorado Park Community was up in arms with the education department, MEC Lesufi was to attend a community meeting at the school. I received a phone call from one of the community leaders informing me that MEC Lesufi left the meeting abruptly in fear of being held hostage by the community. I immediately called MEC Lesufi on his phone and wanted clarity on why he was being accused of running away. I advised him to return to Eldorado Park and was willing to accompany him.

Lesufi’s abrupt exit from a meeting in Eldorado Park, where community concerns were discussed, raises questions about his commitment to addressing issues on the ground.

Racist Incident at Fred Norman, Ennerdale High School

When an ‘African’ Teacher in Ennerdale was rude and racist towards a grandparent of a truant child, and expressed her ugly racist remarks, I contacted Lesufi insisting that he be vocal about this uncouth and racist act. Everyone knows how vocal Lesufi is if any ‘white’ managed school would make them guilty of the behaviour of the ‘African’ teacher; it took him time but he had no choice but to ultimately admit this act was racist on the part of an ‘African’ teacher.

Lesufi’s delayed acknowledgment of a racist incident involving an ‘African’ teacher underscores his selective responsiveness to racially charged situations.

Reiger Park School Principal Accusations saga

I personally called MEC Lesufi on a very challenging time when the late Reiger Park High School principal problem was ventilated. I called him after the principal was willing to meet with me despite declining several other clergy, the same meeting which took place and I was accompanied by Pastor Gert Booysen. Lesufi was grateful that the principal trusted me since he acknowledged the principal as one of his strongest and innovative principals in Gauteng DBE.

Incomplete Reiger- Park Oosrand School Project

My outreach to Lesufi regarding the incomplete Oosrand-High School project remains unanswered, pointing to a pattern of non-engagement.

Let us then again reflect on the content of the letter send to Premier Lesufi on 2 August 2023, for which no reply hitherto has been received. Please find it in the verbatim:

1. Is ‘Nasi iSpani’ considered a project or a programme? Understanding the distinctions between the two in terms of life expectancy, budget implications, and social impact will provide better insight into the initiative’s goals.
2. Can we receive information about the umwelt or background of this project, including how it was conceived, approved, and budgeted for? Understanding the what, how, when, where, and how long aspects of the project, along with its sustainability measures, will be crucial for transparency.
3. From which sources was the majority of the funding for ‘Nasi iSpani’ obtained? Understanding how projects are planned, proposed, and budgeted for in the government will help clarify if funds were redirected from other areas.
4. How does ‘Nasi iSpani’ align with the standard Public Finance Management Act (PFMA) requirements, and when and where were these requirements reviewed?
5. Does ‘Nasi iSpani’ align with the objectives and priorities outlined in the  Local Government Integrated Development Plan (IDP) from the last cycle, or does it fall outside its boundaries? In this instance we would ask clarity on the same score from the APP (Annual Performance Plan). Understanding this relationship with the IDP will help us grasp the project’s relevance and coherence within the overall development framework.
6. If money was redirected from other budgeted items and necessary areas, could you provide specific details about these areas and the impact of the realignment on them?
7. As an individual familiar with the Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP), I acknowledge the need for transparency in funding sources. Can you clarify the percentage of the ‘Nasi iSpani’ project derived from the EPWP program in first expenditure and projected future of expense?
8. Considering that budgets encompass more than just recruits’ salaries, could you provide a comprehensive plan outlining the total costs of ‘Nasi iSpani,’ including operational centres, logistics, and other necessary expenditures?
9. In the spirit of transparency, can you inform us of the portion of the total expenditure sourced from the premier’s office and other designated areas for special projects?
10. If funds were redirected due to rollovers or underspending in other units, how will this impact the affected departments, and what measures are in place to hold the management accountable?
11. Addressing the sustainability of the project, if ‘Nasi iSpani’ was approved long before your tenure as Premier, why was it not implemented under your predecessor’s leadership? Additionally, can you provide a documented sustainability plan for the project?
12. If funds were redirected from other areas like roads, traffic lights, social development, and infrastructure upgrades, how will these now be accommodated? Could we access internal agreements related to this realignment?
13. Can you share the total budget allocated for ‘Nasi iSpani’ over a 5-10-15 year cycle? Understanding the long-term financial plan will demonstrate the project’s longevity beyond any individual’s term in office.
14. We have seen reports of alleged discrimination in the application process, specifically towards individuals of the Coloured identity marker. How does the Premier’s office respond to these claims, and what steps are being taken to address the issue?
15. Can we receive access to the demographic breakdown of applications and successful candidates to ensure equitable opportunities for all citizens?
16. Is there a plan to address demographic disparities if they are evident in the project’s implementation? We would appreciate access to any documented plans related to this matter.

In conclusion, I emphasize that our goal is not to undermine the importance of youth job creation but to gain a comprehensive understanding of the ‘Nasi iSpani’ project to ensure its effectiveness and sustainability.

This scrutiny of Premier Panyaza Lesufi’s responsiveness raises pertinent questions about accountability and engagement with specific citizens and their  concerns. The TMOSA Foundation’s persistent efforts to seek clarity on critical issues demand a transparent and accountable response. As the Foundation considers reaching out to President Ramaphosa, the broader question emerges: Why should citizens support politicians who seemingly disregard legitimate questions regarding government programs and projects?